January 13, 2011

Obama's education policies F-

Joshua Eisenstein, Miriam Elisworth
Candidate Obama's idea of "innovation districts," where 20 selected school systems would re-organize to foster higher student achievement, was a good one. Also he suggested using federal money for smaller class sizes and pre-kindergarten (Pre-K) education, strategies with proven long-term results. But did any of the billions of Obama's "Race to the Top" dollars go toward shrinking class size or installing better Pre-K? No. Instead, Secretary of Education Arne Duncan actually urged "targeted increases in class size," and Obama's new policy ignores high-quality pre-kindergarten, which expert Marci Young calls, "The most rigorously evaluated and effective education reform of the last half-century."
This raises the question: If Obama does not want to spend money on well-researched, well-documented methods of achieving positive educational results, what does he want to spend it on? Based on the evidence, the answer is even more standardized testing, and for-profit charter schools.
 Superman and Other "Miracles"
This fall brought us Waiting for Superman, a much-hyped documentary, which tells us the main problem in education is "bad teachers." The solution proposed is to have more privately-run, non-union charter schools. The film suggests that poor public schools should be taken over by private charters, which would be free of the constraints put on public schools by labor regulations and union contracts.

Other public services have been privatized and deregulated, and the results have rarely met with approval outside of a corporate boardroom. Yet, the public is presently lapping up the very same narrative about education. This may be because it is a bipartisan effort. Perhaps it is also due to charismatic "reformers," like former Chancellor of the District of Columbia Public Schools, Michelle Rhee. She is celebrated by the media but rarely reviewed for accuracy or scrutinized to see whether or not her proposals really serve the best interests of schoolchildren.
When Secretary Duncan was CEO of the Chicago Public Schools, his techniques mirrored the thesis of Waiting for Superman. He closed public schools, fired veteran faculty, and opened a host of new, publicly-funded charter schools. Because some students' test scores seemed to go up, this was dubbed the "Chicago Miracle." But these supposedly miraculous data -- much like data on standardized testing -- had not been scientifically investigated. This, just like George Bush's similarly named "Texas Miracle," is now turning out to be largely an illusion...

Rather than implement  any of the above, real teaching has continued to be replaced by test preparation. Meanwhile, teachers are frightened because their jobs are being increasingly cut, based on factors beyond their control and unrelated to the quality of their work. The president should be smart enough to realize that the above reforms have been proven by research, and would be more effective than the profit-driven privatization, deregulation and scapegoating that have characterized the Race To The Top policy.
President Barack Obama must somehow be made aware of the levels of panic and despair his policies have caused among educators. In spite of these policies, teachers around the country have done their best, and still look to him for leadership. As long as it is fair and in the best interests of the students, the president must know that teachers are willing to make a difficult change. However, as Obama's current policies continue to prove neither fair nor in the best interests of students, how willing to change is he?
Read the entire piece at  http://www.huffingtonpost.com/chris-weigant/guest-column-obama-on-edu_b_808350.html

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December 31, 2010

Anti Teacher Union efforts and Waiting for Superman


           I have posted here several critiques of  the film, “Waiting for Superman,” so I do not need to repeat these criticisms.  The most fact based criticism is here What Superman got wrong. http://voices.washingtonpost.com/answer-sheet/guest-bloggers/what-superman-got-wrong-point.html
My goal in the following is to share my own reaction to the film.
 First, it is an important film and I encourage people to see it.  It illustrates to a rather uninformed public  several of the important issues including the budget crisis in schools and the importance of having quality teachers.  

In October the film, “Waiting for Superman” dominated the television talk shows, forums, and press with a message that public schools are failing, the teachers’ unions are to blame, and that charter schools are the answer to the problems of public schools.   Superman is not only a film about schools, it is also a part of a wider sophisticated assault on unions and particularly public sector unions.  In the Fall 2010  election in California  Meg Whitman extended the criticism of the teachers union and made it  a major issue in her  $160 million dollar self financed campaign  for Governor.  The film and the Whitman campaign  illustrate how corporate funding produces a political narrative.  The corporations and the foundations involved  are distinct, but the process of corporate or oligarchy funding to shape the political and economic dialogue are similar.
The film  Waiting for Superman is a part of the effective  strategy of corporate take over of education policy and corporate victories in framing the issues of education reform . Historian Diane Ravitch describes  this corporate take over in her well written  book, The Death and Life of the Great American School System; How Testing and Choice are Undermining Education. (2010).  There are several specific criticisms of the  facts and the framing in the film including  Ira Shor of the City University of New York saying  “Overall it benefits the hedge fund billionaires now bankrolling charter schools and conservative politicians,”  on the site http://www.notwaitingforsuperman.org/
             Prominent education historian Diane Ravitch, formerly an Under Secretary for Research in the Department of Education during the Reagan Administration, criticizes the film  as propaganda citing  substantial evidence that charter schools do not have a record of producing better achievement than public schools . ( NYReview of Books). ). [ full disclosure.  This writer has long criticized Ravitch for her positions on multicultural education and particularly for her role in writing the California  History/Social Science Framework, the document that shapes whose history is taught in California school textbooks.]  Ravitch argues  that Superman  is a propaganda master piece blaming unions for the many problems of public schools including the budget crises and  alleged problems recruiting and keeping  quality teachers.

            Waiting for Superman  makes two glaring claims that were  political assertions by anti union advocates  such as Joel Klien and Michele Rhee  when the film was made but  now are  objectively wrong.  Superman  claims that the teachers union leadership in Washington D.C. would not allow the union contract proposed by  Michele Rhee come to a vote of the teachers.  Since the film was made the contract was submitted to a vote and it passed.  That is Rhee got the contract she wanted- which the film claims was made impossible by union obstruction.  In September Rhee was encouraged to leave her position as Chancellor of Washington D.C. schools.  The film  further supports its claim that incompetent teachers are difficult to remove  from teaching by citing the extreme case of the New York City room, called by the press the “rubber room.”  It is a compelling story.  However, the so called “rubber room was eliminated last year by the very union contract which the film makers claim was protecting incompetent teachers.
            The film, and the  general assault on teachers unions is a part of a media savvy campaign by pro charter groups including Democrats for Education Reform and the groups which Ravitch in her new book  calls the ,”Billionaire Boy’s Club including the Gates, Olin, Bradley and Broad foundations among others.
Unfortunately  Waiting for Superman distorts the needed discussion of school reform by developing only one side of the debate- that of the corporate  foundations  and their well funded spokespersons.  The film producer, David Guggenheim,  decries the teachers unions as a special interest while the film  promotes  the views of the  Bill Gates, the Olin Foundation, the Bradley foundation, the Broad Foundation, and the entire raft of very conservative economic interests by providing articulate spokespersons such as Michele Rhee, Joel Klein,  Goeffrey Canada , Arne Duncan, among others.    Several of these  foundations’  declared interest is  to shrink the public sector – as in public schools- and to spend less money on tax supported institutions.
 A frequent line from the  film narrator is “reform experts agree “ when in fact they do not agree.  The narration recognizes only the corporate sponsored reform  direction  and does not acknowledge  the  viewpoint of literally hundreds, perhaps thousands, of persons who have been working  in the trenches for substantive school reform for decades.
Randy Weingarten, President of the AFT is seen in edited and clipped statements in the film.  In  August at the AFT convention she described the corporate sponsored  “reformers”   this way,
 “Never before have I seen so few attack so many, so harshly, for doing so much—often with so little.
I don’t know if I should call the people attacking us, quote, “reformers,” as they like to be known—or performers, which might be more accurate. Because many of them seem more interested in engaging in political theater than constructive conversation.
So I’ll just call them the “blame-the-teacher crowd,” and even though many of them have set their sights on all public institutions, I will focus on the institution that has gotten the most abuse—public education.
The blame-the-teacher crowd would have Americans believe that there is only one choice when it comes to public education: either you’re for students, or you’re for teachers.
That is a bogus choice.
When a school is good for the kids, it’s also good for the teachers, and vice versa. “
The Michele Rhee, et al  well funded charter advocates  define themselves as the reform movement and the media generally echos their claim.   Teachers and union leaders seeking equity based reforms have not been able to break through the foundation funded “consensus” and media punditry.  
 I urge readers to see the film and to enter into the debates about the nature of schools and schooling in the U.S. We need a well informed dialogue on the quality of public schooling in our society and how we could improve that quality- but we are hearing from only one side of the debate.  An excellent alternative  to the corporate promoted view of schools in general is found in Mike Rose’s, Why Schools?  Reclaiming Education for us all.   Policy alternatives to Rhee, Duncan crowd  blaming of teachers is well documented in the Broader- Bolder Approach documents found at www. http://www.boldapproach.org/
The  school systems in many of  our cities are currently at a crisis  point and the school reform agenda has been hijacked by corporate sponsored  “reformers” who  have taken  millions from the schools while promising future improved  achievement.   To follow the money I urge you to read,  “the Ultimate $uperpower: Subsidized Dollars Drive Waiting for Superman Agenda,” ( October 20,2010) at http://www.notwaitingforsuperman.org
There is a problem with the great majority of real school reformers spending their time combating the charters/boy’s club groups.  Battling the media frenzy takes time that could be spent improving schools.
However, the battle must be engaged.  The charters/ boy’s club group, including the Democrats for Educational Reform, Bill Gates, etc., have successfully captured the Obama administration policy apparatus under the leadership of Arne Duncan.  Their policies, known as Race to the Top, are the funded, active policies.

         As the film well illustrates, many schools serving urban and impoverished students  need fundamental change. These schools do not open the doors to economic opportunity. They usually do not promote equality. Instead, they recycle inequality.  The high school drop out rates alone demonstrate that  urban schools  prepare less than 50 percent of their students for entrance into the economy and society. We cannot build a safe, just, and prosperous society while our society  leaves  so many young people behind. Among our tasks as progressives is to raise the voices of parents and teachers in the school reform debates leading up to the Congressional attempt to re-authorize No Child Left Behind this Spring.
Published in Democratic Left, Winter 2010. as Facts are Kryptonite to Superman.


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October 11, 2010

Testing is distorting reported "reform"

This is a report on testing problems in NYC.  The NYC reform effort, led by Joel Klein, is one of a few who make up the media preferred definition of reform.  See posts below.

On New York School Tests, Warning Signs Ignored
By JENNIFER MEDINA from New York Times.
When New York State made its standardized English and math tests tougher to pass this year, causing proficiency rates to plummet, it said it was relying on a new analysis showing that the tests had become too easy and that score inflation was rampant.
But evidence had been mounting for some time that the state’s tests, which have formed the basis of almost every school reform effort of the past decade, had serious flaws.
The fast rise and even faster fall of New York’s passing rates resulted from the effect of policies, decisions and missed red flags that stretched back more than 10 years and were laid out in correspondence and in interviews with city and state education officials, administrators and testing experts.
The process involved direct warnings from experts that went unheeded by the state, and a city administration that trumpeted gains in student performance despite its own reservations about how reliably the test gauged future student success.

It involved the state’s decision to create short, predictable exams and to release them publicly soon after they were given, making coaching easy and depriving test creators of a key tool: the ability to insert in each test questions for future exams. Next year, for the first time, the tests will not be released publicly.
It involved a national push for numbers-based accountability, begun under President George W. Bush and reinforced by President Obama. And it involved a mayor’s full embrace of testing as he sought to make his mark on the city, and then to get re-elected.
“They just kept upping the stakes with the scores, putting more pressure on the schools but not really looking at what it all means,” said Pedro Noguera, an education professor at New York University who has worked with the city’s Department of Education to help improve struggling schools.
New York has been a national model for how to carry out education reform, so its sudden decline in passing rates may be seen as a cautionary tale. The turnaround has also been a blow to Mayor Michael R. Bloomberg and his chancellor, Joel I. Klein, who despite warnings that a laserlike focus on raising scores could make them less and less reliable, lashed almost every aspect of its school system to them. Schools were graded on how much their scores rose and threatened with being closed if they did not. The scores dictated which students were promoted or left back, and which teachers and principals would receive bonuses.
Even now, the city believes that the way it uses the tests is valid. The mayor and the chancellor have forcefully defended their students’ performance, noting that even after the changes this year, student scores are still better than they were in 2002. They have argued that their students’ progress is more important than the change in the passing rate, and that years of gains cannot be washed away because of a decision in Albany to require more correct answers from every student this year.
The test scores were even used for a new purpose this year: to help determine which teachers should receive tenure.
“This mayor uses data and metrics to determine whether policies are failing or succeeding,” said Howard Wolfson, the deputy mayor for government affairs and communications. He also helped run Mr. Bloomberg’s re-election campaign in 2009, using the city’s historic rise in test scores to make the case for a third term. “We believe that testing is a key factor for determining the success of schools and teachers.”
“Under any standard you look at,” he added, “we have improved the schools.”
But given all the flaws of the test, said Prof. Howard T. Everson of the City University of New York’s Center for Advanced Study in Education, it is hard to tell what those rising scores really meant.
“Teachers began to know what was going to be on the tests,” said Professor Everson, who was a member of a state testing advisory panel and who warned the state in 2008 that it might have a problem with score inflation. “Then you have to wonder, and folks like me wonder, is that real learning or not?”
New Generation of Tests
The problems that plagued New York’s standardized tests can be traced to the origin of the exams.
In 1996, New York set about creating tests for fourth and eighth graders as a way to measure whether schools were doing their jobs. A precursor to the widespread testing brought about by Mr. Bush’s No Child Left Behind law, the tests replaced more basic exams that had been given in the same grades, which simply determined whether students needed remedial instruction. (The city had also given its own tests for many years.)
Teachers pushed back, saying they could gauge their students’ performance better than any mass-produced tests could. “There was a lot of resistance from throughout the education community to having the tests,” said Alan Ray, who was the chief spokesman for the State Education Department in the 1990s and in 2000, and retired this year after overseeing data for the office.
But education officials in New York, and many other states, were coming to the conclusion that some measurement system, no matter how limited, was necessary.
The officials sought advice from dozens of educators across New York to figure out what the tests should encompass, Mr. Ray said. Teachers and principals asked that the standards be specific, to make it clear what they were expected to teach at each grade level, and superintendents pleaded to keep the tests relatively short so that students would not spend days filling in bubbles. The state obliged both requests.
The decision to keep the tests narrow and short — the fifth-grade math test, for example, had 34 questions this year — would have a lasting impact, said Daniel Koretz, a professor at Harvard’s Graduate School of Education who specializes in assessment systems. The same types of questions would be trotted out every year, he said.
“In many cases you could not write an unpredictable question no matter how hard you tried,” Professor Koretz said. He oversaw the study of New York’s tests that led to the state’s conclusion that they had become too easy to pass.
The state also continued making tests public after they were administered. Coupled with the questions’ predictability, the public release of the tests, which started long before the nationwide accountability movement, provided teachers with ready-made practice exams.
“If people had known what an effective lever the tests would be of driving behavior, I think they would have designed the tests differently,” said John King, who became deputy state education commissioner last year.
According to testing experts, publicly releasing the exams had another detrimental effect.
Test designers like to insert questions that do not count in the score but might be used in a future test. The designers gauge how students — who are not told which questions will not count — perform on these questions. This allows them to create tests with a mix of easy, moderate and difficult material that is constant — or standardized — from year to year, so that administrators can compare one year’s performance with another’s.
But in New York, “field test” questions cannot be included in tests because those exams are made public.
Even the solution proved problematic. Test writers had to administer a separate field test made up wholly of questions they wanted to use in the future. This test was given to random samples of students, and was not publicly released.
The trouble with this approach, experts said, is that the students taking these field tests, and their teachers, know that they are not the official exams. They may not try as hard to answer the questions correctly, and thus give an inaccurate measure of how hard the questions are.
“There’s a lot of debate about what’s valid in that kind of prediction,” said Andrew Ho, a testing expert who also teaches at Harvard. “It may be making assumptions that are not really correct to start with.”
The new state tests were rolled out in 1999. The first batch of results, free of test preparation and repeated questions, provided both a starting point and a troubling revelation: New York’s public school students were being poorly educated. Just 38 percent of the state’s eighth graders passed the math test and 48 percent passed in reading. In New York City, those numbers were 23 percent and 35 percent, respectively.
The reaction, Mr. Ray said, “was electrifying.” Some even questioned whether the standards had been set too high.
A Mayor Chases Results
The state tests’ flaws would not become evident for years. But by 2001, the tests had a champion.
During his first campaign, Mr. Bloomberg said that education was his top priority. He pledged to take control of the city’s public schools, then under the supervision of the Board of Education, which had been ridiculed for budget troubles and stagnant academic performance.
Projecting the image of a bottom-line-oriented, pragmatic businessman, Mr. Bloomberg latched on to test scores as a clear way of seeing just how well students were doing.
“If four years from now reading scores and math scores aren’t significantly better,” Mr. Bloomberg said in a radio interview in 2001, “then I will look in the mirror and say that I have been a failure. I’ve never failed at anything yet, and I don’t plan to fail at that.”
After Mr. Bloomberg persuaded the Legislature to give him control of the schools, he appointed Mr. Klein, a former Justice Department lawyer and media executive, as his chancellor. Mr. Klein was seen as a technocrat who was eager and able to produce tangible results, the kind that could be measured.
Scores in the city and state were on their way up. In 2004, for example, the proportion of fourth graders in the city meeting math standards increased to 68 percent, up 16 percentage points since 2001. Only 42 percent of eighth graders met that mark, but that was still a significant improvement from just a few years earlier. By 2009, that rate would jump nearly 30 points.
“What is encouraging is that for two or three years in a row now, the tests have gone in the same direction — up,” the mayor said on a radio show in October 2004. “So there’s reason to believe we’re headed to the correct place.”
In 2003, Mr. Bloomberg ended the practice of “social promotion” in certain grades, requiring students performing at the lowest levels on the tests be held back unless they attended summer school and showed progress on a retest. That year, Mr. Klein released a list of 200 successful schools, the only places where teachers would not have to follow the citywide math and English curriculums. The list was primarily based on test scores.
More and more of the mayor’s educational initiatives were linked to the scores. They were used to help decide which schools should be closed and replaced with new, smaller schools. The new A-through-F grading system for schools was based primarily on how their students improved on the tests. Teachers and principals earned bonuses of up to $25,000 if their schools’ scores rose. Teachers’ annual evaluations and tenure decisions are partially dependent on test results.
Each new policy was met with denunciations from the teachers’ union or from education experts like Diane Ravitch. Ms. Ravitch, a supporter of standardized testing when she was an adviser to the Clinton and Bush administrations, became one of the biggest critics, arguing that schools were devoting too much time to the pursuit of high scores.
“If they are not learning social studies but their reading scores are going up, they are not getting an education,” Ms. Ravitch said in 2005, as the mayor coasted to re-election.
The mayor and chancellor dismissed these criticisms as the hidebound defenses of an old, failed system devoid of meaningful standards. But some questions were also being raised by people close to the administration.
In the Education Department headquarters on Chambers Street, some officials argued that the A-through-F system of grading schools should incorporate not only the English and math tests, but also the science and social studies exams given by the state. “We wanted to draw this as broadly as possible,” said a former school official who spoke on the condition of anonymity to avoid publicly disagreeing with Mr. Klein.
But after months of running models and tweaking formulas, Mr. Klein decided to stick with the two core subjects. After all, he often argued, if students could not master essential math and English skills, it would be impossible for them to grasp other concepts.
Dr. Noguera, the N.Y.U. education professor and adviser to the city, applauded Mr. Klein for creating a grading system that rewarded improvement from year to year so that schools in poor neighborhoods had the same chance of achieving a good grade as those in wealthier areas.
But it also was risky, Dr. Noguera said. “That got schools fixated on how to raise scores, not looking for more authentic learning,” he said.
Dr. Noguera expressed his views publicly and to some of Mr. Klein’s deputies, but never directly told the chancellor, he said.
Mr. Klein said in recent interviews that while the tests were imperfect, they were still the best measurements available for a school system that previously had no yardsticks. They also were not the only signs proving the city had been making progress, he said: On more difficult federal tests given to a sample of fourth and eighth graders, the city had steadily improved.
And the city’s main goal, he said, was not simply giving out laurels for students’ scoring 3s (“proficient”) and 4s (“advanced”) on the state tests.
Instead, its system of school grades and teacher incentives gave considerable weight to scores that showed improvement from year to year at all levels.
“Nobody else was doing this,” Mr. Klein said. “We never said it was good enough to get to passing and just stay there.”
In 2006, the state added tests for the third, fifth, sixth and seventh grades, in order to align with the requirements of No Child Left Behind. Scores jumped in 2007.
There were improvements at every grade level across the state and in New York City, where 65 percent of all students met state standards in math, an improvement of eight percentage points in one year.
“I’m happy, thrilled — ecstatic, I think, is a better word,” Mr. Bloomberg said at the time. “The hard work going on in our schools is really paying off.”
After Mr. Bloomberg’s first full term as mayor, the new scores seemed to ratify his claims of success. They also raised more alarms.
As a superintendent in the Brownsville section of Brooklyn, Kathleen Cashin had seen several schools improve throughout the early part of the decade. But when she saw the sudden jump, she said, she was shocked.
“I said to my intimate circle of staff, this cannot be possible,” Ms. Cashin recalled. “I knew how much effort and how much planning any little improvement would take, and not all of these schools had done any of it.”
But Ms. Cashin, who retired in February, held her tongue at the time. Asked why she did not take up her concerns with Mr. Klein or his deputies, she said, “I didn’t have their ear.”
A Proposal for a Fix
The following winter, Professor Koretz, of Harvard, and Professor Everson, of CUNY, who was a member of a state testing advisory group, sent a memo to state education officials.
“Research has shown that when educators are pressured to raise scores on conventional achievement tests, some improve instruction, while others turn to inappropriate methods of test preparation that inflate scores,” they wrote in the Feb. 5, 2008, memo. “In some cases, the inflation of scores has been extreme.”
The researchers proposed to devise a kind of audit. While tests tended to be similar from year to year, they would add to each exam some questions that did not resemble those from previous years. If a class performed well on the main section of the test but poorly on the added questions, that would be evidence that scores were inflated by test preparation. If a class performed well on both, the researchers wrote, that teacher might have methods worth emulating.
In addition, they wrote, such a system would give teachers “less incentive to engage in inappropriate test preparation and more incentive to undertake the much harder task of improving instruction.”
State education officials, the professors said, did not give them a hearing.
The 2008 results showed even more large gains — 74 percent of city students were deemed proficient in math, an increase of nine points in one year; and the city’s passing rate in reading was now 58 percent, up from 51 percent two years earlier. Statewide, the passing rates jumped to 81 percent in math and 69 percent in reading.
Professor Koretz and Professor Everson wrote another memo in September 2008, again proposing to create a way to make test results more reliable. But the idea went nowhere.
Richard Mills, who resigned as education commissioner in 2009 after 14 years, said in an interview that his administration was confident the tests had been working properly because they had gone through several vetting processes with independent testing experts.
“The whole testing matter at the state and national level is about judgments, and therefore it also always includes criticism,” Mr. Mills said. “Is it too hard or is it too easy? There is almost never a point — or at least it doesn’t endure for very long — where people say it is just right.”
A Decisive Year
The city’s Department of Education constantly mines test score data for patterns to show where improvement is happening and where it is needed. In 2008, it noticed an incongruity: Eighth graders who scored at least a 3 on the state math exam had only a 50 percent chance of graduating from high school four years later with a Regents diploma, which requires a student to pass a certain number of tests in various subjects and is considered the minimum qualification for college readiness.
The city realized that the test results were not as reliable as the state was leading people to believe.
Mr. Klein and several of his deputies spoke by phone with Merryl H. Tisch, the vice chancellor of the Board of Regents, and Mr. Mills, trying to persuade them to create a statewide accountability system similar to the city’s, one that gave improvement at least as much weight as the score itself.
The state said it would consider moving to such a system, but would need more time.
Neither the city nor state publicly disclosed the concerns about the scores. By then, students across the state were preparing for the 2009 tests, filling in bubbles on mock answer sheets, using at least three years of previous state tests as guides.
The scores arrived in May, and with them, the bluntest warning yet.
Just before the results were released, a member of the Regents named Betty Rosa called Ms. Tisch, who had recently become chancellor.
Ms. Rosa, who had been a teacher, principal and superintendent in the Bronx for nearly three decades, said the unprecedented high scores simply seemed too good to be true. She suggested the unthinkable: the scores were so unbelievable, she said, that the state should not publicly release them.
“The question was really are we telling the public the truth,” Ms. Rosa said in a recent interview. Ms. Tisch, she said, relayed that she, too, found the scores suspicious, but that it would be impossible to withhold them. “It was like a train that was already in motion and no way to stop it,” Ms. Rosa said.
The English test scores showed 69 percent of city students passing. Mr. Bloomberg called the results “nothing short of amazing and exactly what this country needs.”
“We have improved the test scores in English,” he continued, “and we expect the same results in math in a couple of weeks, every single year for seven years.” Four weeks later, it was announced that 82 percent of city students had passed the math tests.
Because of the widespread improvement in the scores, 84 percent of all public schools received an A in the city’s grading system, something Mr. Klein said he later regretted. This year, the city limited the number of A’s to 25 percent of schools.
The 2009 numbers came out as the mayor was trying to accomplish two goals: to persuade the Legislature to give the mayor control of the schools for another seven years; and to convince city voters that he deserved a third term.
Mr. Bloomberg’s opponent, Comptroller William C. Thompson, had once been president of the Education Board.
“Mike Bloomberg changed that system,” said one of the mayor’s campaign advertisements. “Now, record graduation rates. Test scores up, violence down. So when you compare apples to apples, Thompson offers politics as usual. Mike Bloomberg offers progress.”
In his debates, Mr. Bloomberg hammered home the theme. “If anybody thinks that the schools were better when Bill ran them, they should vote for him,” he said in one face-off. “And if anybody thinks they’re better now, I’d be honored to have their vote.”
Indeed, according to exit polls, 57 percent of those who said education was their primary concern voted for Mr. Bloomberg, who won the election by a five-point margin.
Mr. Wolfson, the deputy mayor and 2009 campaign strategist, said the mayor had no regrets about focusing on the exams as a matter of policy, and during the election.
“What’s the converse?” he said. “The converse is that we don’t test and we have no way of judging success or failure. Either you believe in standards or tests, or you don’t — and life is not like that. There are tests all the time.”
Ms. Tisch, in releasing the 2009 test results, had not heeded Ms. Rosa’s radical request. But the very day she put out the English test results, she began openly acknowledging doubts about the scores, irking the mayor and chancellor, who privately seethed that she was seeking to undermine their success. “As a board, we will ask whether the test is getting harder or easier,” she said.
Although the Regents did not immediately opt to create an entirely new test, Ms. Tisch and David Steiner, the new education commissioner, asked Professor Koretz, who had been rebuffed in previous requests, to analyze the ones that were in use. His conclusion — and that of another researcher, Jennifer L. Jennings — was that the tests had become too easy, and hence the scores were inflated. That led the State Education Department to raise the number of correct answers required to pass each test.
The state intends to rewrite future tests to encompass a broader range of material, and will stop publicly releasing them.
“We came in here saying we have to stop lying to our kids,” Ms. Tisch said in a recent interview. “We have to be able to know what they do and do not know.”

Robert Gebeloff and Elissa Gootman contributed reporting, and Jack Begg contributed research.
http://www.nytimes.com/2010/10/11/education/11scores.html


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See the posts below on Charter schools and Waiting for Superman.





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October 10, 2010

Fact based and perspective challenges to Waiting for Superman



I have posted here several critiques of  the film, “Waiting for Superman,” so I do not need to repeat these criticisms.  The most fact based criticism is here What Superman got wrong. http://voices.washingtonpost.com/answer-sheet/guest-bloggers/what-superman-got-wrong-point.html
My goal in the following is to share my own reaction to the film. First, it is an important film and I encourage people to see it.  It illustrates to a rather uninformed public and an often poorly informed press   several of the important issues including the budget crisis in schools and the importance of having quality teachers. 
Second. The film makes two glaring claims that were assertions by anti union advocates  when the film was made and now are wrong.  The film claims that the teachers union leadership in Washington D.C. would not allow the Michele Rhee offered contract to come to a vote.  In fact, since the film was made, the contract was submitted to a vote and it passed.  That is Rhee got the contract she wanted- which the film claims was made impossible by union obstruction.  Also, the film supports its claim that incompetent teachers are difficult to remove by citing the extreme case of the New York City room, called by the press the “rubber room.”  It is a compelling story.  However, the so called “rubber room was eliminated last year by the very union contract which the film makers claim was protecting incompetent teachers.

Yes, the film has several anti union charges by various selected speakers.  For example there is the assertion by a  New York Times writer that the two teachers’ unions dominate the Democratic Party.  This is a common claim among Republicans and a few Democrats.  And, yes, the film claims that the teachers’ unions gave significant funds to elect Obama.
However, it is not true that the teachers’ unions were the largest contributors to the Obama campaign.  The records clearly show that Finance Capital was the major large donors to the Obama campaign.
In addition, under Secretary Arne Duncan federal policy has continued and perhaps even accelerated in its anti union course.  The federal policy known as Race to the Top used competition between the states and a $ 4.1 billion dollar allocation  to get more than 34 states to change their laws and to encourage more charter schools- a policy supported by the film makers and generally opposed by the teachers’ unions. 
The film promotes a particular direction as reform. 
The narrator several times  says,  “reform experts agree “ when in fact they do not agree.  The narration recognizes only the Michelle Rhee, Joel Klien, direction of reform and does not recognize  the literally hundreds, perhaps thousands, of persons who have been working  in the trenches for substantive reform for decades.

Randy Wingartner, President of the AFT and seen if edited and clipped statements in the film described this group in August this way,  “Never before have I seen so few attack so many, so harshly, for doing so much—often with so little.
I don’t know if I should call the people attacking us, quote, “reformers,” as they like to be
known—or performers, which might be more accurate. Because many of them seem more interested in engaging in political theater than constructive conversation.
So I’ll just call them the “blame-the-teacher crowd,” and even though many of them have set their sights on all public institutions, I will focus on the institution that has gotten the most abuse—public education.
The blame-the-teacher crowd would have Americans believe that there is only one choice when it comes to public education: either you’re for students, or you’re for teachers.
That is a bogus choice.
When a school is good for the kids, it’s also good for the teachers, and vice versa. And if our leaders fail to recognize this, and fail to create a positive vision for our schools, we must lead the way.”
And, Diane Ravitch, the formerly neo conservative “reformer” during the Reagan Administration calls these folks, the “Billionaires Boy’s Club” In her new book.  For one of the many problems with this view of reform see, “Crooks, Fools, charlatans, and carpet baggers and school reform,” here http://www.blogger.com/post-edit.g?blogID=11455634&postID=2295608821022666888
The film maker distorts the needed discussion of school reform by citing only one side of the debate- that of the  Billionaire Boy’s Club and their well funded spokespersons.  The film decries the teachers unions as a special interest while reporting on Bill Gates, the Olin Foundation, the Bradley foundation, the Broad Foundation, and the entire raft of very conservative economic interests.   Their declared interest is the shrink the public sector – as in public schools- and to spend less money on tax supported institutions.   A second goal of several of these foundations is to defeat the power of teachers unions and the Democratic Party- that is why Meg Whitman, Arnold Schwarzenegger and others find them so appealing.  
 On several occasions the narrator is  the film is loose with the data, making claims that should require several qualifiers to be adequate.
Most of us do not regard the test based accountability  as required in No Child Left Behind and many state laws as sufficient nor adequate. It is often not even helpful in producing school improvement. 
The film also under reports the interventions of  the Harlem Children’s Zone.  Not only are the schools intensified, the children get health care, food, parental counseling, and a wide variety of supportive services in the Zone.  That is great. It is the way to intervene.  But, other schools do not have these funds and services.  For more on this approach see: http://www.boldapproach.org/.
So, the producers and the television talking heads claim that they want to discuss the film.  Fine. Lets discuss it.  But, lets let all sides in on the discussion and not frame the discussion as the film does as reformers v the teachers’ union.  That is a limited view of the many issues.  More to follow.

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October 6, 2010

Teachers' Unions as an agent of school reform

Baltimore teachers union is the hero, not a villain

Wednesday, October 6, 2010

After that, the new Davis Guggenheim movie "Waiting for Superman," which merely asserts that teachers unions are to blame for the deficiencies in American education, is almost a letdown.
 In the world of "Waiting for Superman," every public school is a disaster, every charter school is a rigorous (but nurturing) little Harvard or Oxford, and the blame for the plight of public schools and the paucity of charter schools can be laid entirely on the unions' doorsteps. You'd never know from the film that charter schools produce test results that aren't any better than those of public schools, or that the teachers at a number of charter schools -- including charter schools that do produce high test results -- are, horror of horrors, unionized.
Still, the narrative that education reformers and teachers unions are eternal and implacable enemies is a hardy one, and one that Washingtonians in particular may well believe after four years of pitched battle between Schools Chancellor Michelle Rhee and the D.C. teachers union. The intensity of the local battle might blind them to the experience of cities where the school district and the union have jointly embraced a reform agenda, even including a version of merit pay. And yet, such an agreement -- an impossibility, if we are to believe the conventional narrative -- was reached just two weeks ago in the faraway city of Baltimore.

The Baltimore contract, on which teachers will vote Oct. 14, bases pay on a combination of professional development training, joint management-teacher evaluation and measured student achievement. The criteria by which teachers will be judged will be aligned with state standards that Maryland is developing in which 50 percent of a teacher's score will reflect student achievement.
The best teachers under this contract could make more than $100,000. That's chump change for one of those brilliant young Goldman Sachs associates who creates wealth by peddling toxic paper to rubes, but it's nonetheless a step toward reconciling recompense with our social needs.
"Contracts are a good way to make systemic change," says Randi Weingarten, president of the AFT. "In Baltimore, we've established a career ladder with different lanes and aligned compensation with it." Teachers will get more say over what's taught in their classrooms -- and be rewarded for positive results.
While Baltimore's contract is groundbreaking, the AFT, by Weingarten's estimate, has contracts that include elements of the Baltimore deal in 50 to 60 districts around the country. Representing more than a million public school teachers nationwide in the current system while working to change that system is no easy task, but it's one that the AFT is increasingly trying to perform.
That probably won't diminish the scapegoating of the union by those who believe that unions can't possibly back reform or that we can't afford decent teacher pay or pensions in an age of budget deficits. Blaming teachers for the dysfunction of inner cities and the decline of American industry lets a lot of other, more culpable, parties off the hook. But if our goal is to improve education, and not just exculpate ourselves for our social and economic decline, we should be applauding the Baltimore contract and the reformers, in think tanks, district offices, classrooms and, yes, unions, who seek to better our schools and our country.
This post is edited. Read the entire post here.


Along with Dolores Huerta, Eliseo Medina, Cornel West, and Barbara Ehrenreich, he is an Honorary Chair of Democratic Socialists of America. www.dsausa.org. You have to watch out for those democratic socialists.


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